excerpts from Using Pregnancy to Control Women by Ruth
Hubbard. Sojourner: The Women’s Forum,
October 1990, Vol. 16, no. 2, pp. 16-18.
Strange things have been happening to this culture’s ideas about
pregnancy. More and more, physicians, judges, legislators, and the media are
presenting pregnancy as a contest in which pregnant women and the embryos and
fetuses we nourish in our bodies are represented as lined up on opposing sides.
But construing the “interests” of embryos and fetuses as opposed to those of
the women whose bodies sustain them makes no sense biologically or socially. A
pregnant woman’s body is an organic unit, of which the fetus is a part. She shares
with her fetus one blood supply as well as other essential functions. Any foods
or digestive products, hormones or drugs, or anything else that involves either
can have an impact on the other.
This does not mean that pregnant women should scan all their feelings,
thoughts, and actions for possible ill effects on the fetus within them. It is
probably true that stresses they experience will be transmitted to the fetus,
but that includes the stresses and anxieties that would arise from trying to
live a life free of stress and anxiety. What it does mean, however, is that it
is counterproductive to heap needless stress on pregnant women by worrying them
about possible sources of harm to their fetus and by subjecting them to often
still-experimental tests and procedures to detect fetal disabilities for which
they or the fetus are not specifically predicted to be at risk. Some of today’s
stresses of pregnancy are evoked by exaggerated concerns and watchfulness
intended to avert relatively unlikely risks.
Precisely because anything that is done to a pregnant woman or to her
fetus has an impact on both, pregnant women must be the ones to decide whether
to carry their pregnancy to term. Only they can know whether they are prepared
to sustain the pregnancy as well as the future relationship to their child.
As part of this trend of looking upon embryos and fetuses as though
their “interests” could be separated from those of the women whose bodies
sustain them, we have been witnessing: (1) prosecutions of pregnant women or of
women who have recently given birth for so-called fetal abuse; (2)
court-mandated Caesarean sections; and (3) so-called fetal protection practices
in which employers bar women of child-bearing age (defined in one instance as
16 to 54 years) from certain kinds of jobs that are said to put a potential
fetus at risk, in case these women become pregnant.
I want to look at these three[sic] situations and then speculate about
why this is happening now and why only in the United States.
“DISTRIBUTING DRUGS TO A MINOR”
Across the nation in the last few years women have been charged with
the crime of “distributing drugs to a minor via the umbilical cord” or
similarly Orwellian accusations. Since the legal status of the fetus is
uncertain, most of these have not stood up in court. Presumably for this
reason, in Florida, Jennifer Johnson, a woman who had just birthed her baby, so
that it was now legally a born child, was charged with delivering an illicit
drug to a minor via the umbilical cord while it was still attached to the cord.
Despite the absurdity of this construct, she was convicted.
It seems reasonable to assume that drug use during pregnancy can harm
the fetus, though it is not at all clear how dangerous it is. The designation “crack
baby” usually is not the result of health-care workers noting behavioral
abnormalities in a newborn. It came on the scene because a test was devised
that can detect metabolic products resulting from women’s drug use close to the
time of birth. As a result, babies of mothers who fall into certain “suspect”
categories – young, unmarried, poor, of color – are tested more or less
routinely and especially in public hospitals. (In one recent instance where the
test result was challenged by the young woman and her mother – though not until
after the young woman and her baby had been forcibly separated – it turned out
that the drugs the test detected were medically administered to the woman
during labor.)
[…] Even if we go with the common wisdom that drugs taken by pregnant
women are likely to harm the fetus, the problem is that very few drug-treatment
programs accept women, fewer yet pregnant women, and even fewer, women on
Medicaid. In fact, Jennifer Johnson’s sentence in Florida included as a condition
of her fifteen-year probation that she enter a drug-treatment program,
something she had tried, but been unable, to do while pregnant. Another was
that she be gainfully employed, something she had also tried, but been unable,
to achieve. In other words, she was first victimized by an unresponsive system
and then blamed for not availing herself of the remedies she had tried, but
been unable, to obtain. She ended up convicted for the government’s negligence
and neglect.
It is important to realize that just about all the women who have been
prosecuted for prenatal injuries to their babies have been poor and of color.
Most of them have had little or no prenatal care and have given birth in public
or teaching hospitals. None has been a white, suburban drug user, in the care
of a private obstetrician. The so-called war on drugs requires public hospitals
to report instances of suspected drug use, while private physicians can avoid
doing so. Obviously, this policy is counterproductive, since it will make women
who could benefit from medical and social services avoid them for fear of being
declared unfit to care for their children.
FETAL ENDANGERMENT IN THE
WORKPLACE
Reproductive hazards in the workplace were cited in 1977 as grounds for
requiring five women at the American Cyanamid plant in Willow Island, West
Virginia, to be sterilized, if they wanted to retain jobs paying $225 per week
plus substantial overtime instead of being transferred to janitorial jobs at
$175 per week with no extras. None of these women was pregnant or planning a
pregnancy, yet without the operation, they were considered “potentially
pregnant.” A number of such situations have arisen since, and currently the
U.S. Supreme Court has agreed to hear an appeal against the lower court
decision supporting Johnson Controls’ “fetal protection” policy…
The grounds for barring the women have been that the work involves exposure
to lead or other chemicals or radiation that could endanger a fetus, despite
the fact that these agents also put men’s reproductive processes, and
specifically sperm, at risk. And these situations have only occurred relative
to higher-paying jobs, traditionally occupied by men, to which women have been
newcomers. Comparable concerns have not been raised about women employed in
traditionally female jobs in which they are routinely exposed to hazardous
chemicals or radiation, such as surgical operating room or x-ray technician,
nurse, beautician, or indeed, clerical or domestic worker. Whether the women
are planning to have children appears to be irrelevant. Rather, fertile women,
as a class, are always considered “potentially pregnant.” This is just one more
way to keep women out of higher-paying jobs by dressing up sex discrimination
as fetal protection. Of course, it also enhances the status of the fetus as a
person, while relegating all women, pregnant or not, to the status of fetal
carriers.
These kinds of “protections” make no sense from the viewpoint of
health, because any substance that endangers a fetus is also dangerous for
workers – female and male. But is
cheaper for companies to fire “potentially pregnant” workers (which means any
woman who cannot prove that she is infertile) than to clean up the workplace so
that it becomes safe for everyone. Employers claim they are barring women
because they are afraid of lawsuits should a worker whose baby is born with a
disability, claim that disability was brought on by workplace exposure. But, in
fact, no such suit has ever been filed and, considering the problems Vietnam
veterans have experienced in suits claiming reproductive damages from exposure
to Agent Orange and farm workers from exposure to toxic pesticides, such a suit
is not likely to present a major risk to employers.
WHY?
So, why are these various fetal protection activities happening and why
only in the United States? Indeed, why do many cities and states post warnings
in bars and subways, now also appearing on liquor bottles, that read: “Warning!
Drinking alcoholic beverages during pregnancy can cause birth defects”? (Note:
any alcoholic beverage, no specification of how much or of alcohol content, and
no mention of possible detrimental effects on sperm.) No doubt, the
antiabortion movement has helped raise “the fetus” to mythic proportions.
Perhaps also prenatal technologies, especially ultrasound imaging, have made
fetuses seem more real than before. Not so long ago, physicians could find out
about a fetus’s health only by touching or listening to a pregnant woman’s
distended belly. Now, in the minds of many people, fetuses have an identity
separate from that of the woman whose body harbors them, since it is not
unusual for their future parents to know their sex and expected health status.
But that doesn’t explain why these activities are peculiar to the
United States. Europeans often assume that anything that is accepted in the
United States today will be accepted in Europe tomorrow – or, if not tomorrow,
the next day. But pregnancy is not like Coca-Cola. It is embedded in culture
and framed by a network of economic and social policies. We cannot understand
the profound differences between the ways pregnant women are regarded here and
in other Western countries unless we face the fact that this country alone
among industrialized nations has no coherent programs of health insurance,
social and economic supports for pregnant women, maternal and child care, and
protection of workers’ rights. This has been true since the beginning of this
century, but the situation has been aggravated since the dismemberment of the,
however meager, social policies that existed before the Reagan era. Recent
pronouncements by “drug czar” William Bennett and Secretary of Health and Human
Services Louis Sullivan, urging that drug use during pregnancy be taken as
prima facie evidence of child abuse, are among the ways the administration is
shifting blame for the disastrous economic and social policies that have
resulted in huge increases in poverty, homelessness, and unprecedented levels
of drug use onto the victims of these policies.
While the economic circumstances of women and children, especially
those of color, are deteriorating and disparities in access to services and in
infant mortality rates are increasing, what a fine trick it is to individualize
these conditions and blame women for selfishly putting their fetuses at risk.
Yet taking women to court for fetal endangerment creates more low-income women
and more babies that will be warehoused in hospitals or shuttled among an
insufficient number of adequate foster homes by overloaded social-service
systems. These are not solutions. They are merely ways of diverting attention
from the enormous systemic problems that have been aggravated by the
Reagan-Bush years and of shifting blame for the consequences onto the most
vulnerable people.
[…]
Again and again, studies have documented the deleterious effects of
adverse economic and social conditions on maternal and infant health. But it
continues to be far easier to get money for yet another study than for the
policies and programs that could ameliorate or, indeed, eliminate the dismal
conditions that jeopardize the health and welfare of women and children.
WHAT TO DO?
We have to take whatever political action we can to support the efforts
of various community organizations and to pressure government agencies at all
levels to provide the economic, social, and educational supports that will let
women and children live above the
poverty level, not below it. We need what other industrialized nations have:
adequate education, job security, proper nutrition, subsidized housing,
universal health care, accessible drug-treatment programs, and so on. The lack
of these is responsible for the disproportionate U.S. infant mortality and
disability rates, not women’s neglectful behavior during pregnancy.
A friend recently suggested that, rather than being sued, pregnant
women should sue in the name of “the fetus” for access to the economic, social
and health measures that are necessary for successful pregnancy outcomes. Of
course, this concept suffers from the fact that it, too, makes the fetus a
person. Furthermore, such suits probably would not hold up in court, since,
while the U.S. Constitution guarantees certain freedoms and rights, it does not
guarantee the economic and social conditions necessary for everyone to be able
to exercise them. Despite this, a well-orchestrated campaign of this sort could
educate and politicize people about the shallowness and hypocrisy of the
government’s supposed efforts at fetal protection, and so could be used to rally
support for the kinds of measures that can improve the needlessly dismal
economic and social circumstances in which large sectors of the U.S. population
live.
[1990]
Ruth Hubbard is Professor Emerita of Biology at Harvard University,
where she was the first woman to hold a tenured professorship position in
biology.
Hubbard was born Ruth Hoffmann in Vienna, Austria and escaped Nazism as
a teenager. With her family, she moved to the Boston area and she became a
biologist. She graduated from Radcliffe College in 1944, earning a degree in
biochemical sciences. She was married to Frank Hubbard from 1942 to 1951.
As a research fellow at Harvard in the years after World War II, she
worked under George Wald, investigating the biochemistry of retinal and
retinol. Wald shared the Nobel Prize in Physiology or Medicine in 1967 for his
discoveries about how the eye works. She received a Ph.D. in biology from
Radcliffe in 1950, and in 1952, a Guggenheim fellowship at the Carlsberg Laboratory
in Copenhagen, Denmark.
During her active research career from the 1940s to the 1960s, she made
important contributions to the understanding of the biochemistry and
photochemistry of vision in vertebrates and invertebrates. In 1967, she and
Wald shared the Paul Karrer Medal for their work in this area.
She and Wald married in 1958. Hubbard and Wald became the parents of
two children: a son, musician and music historian Elijah Wald, and a daughter,
Deborah Wald. She also has two grandchildren.
In the late 1960s and early 1970s, Hubbard's interests shifted away
from research science toward social and political issues. In her book The
Politics of Women's Biology, she wrote that she had been a "devout
scientist" from 1947 until the late 1960s, but the Vietnam War and the
women's liberation movement led her to change her priorities. Also, after being
promoted in 1973 from what she called the "typical women's ghetto" of
"research associate and lecturer" positions to a tenured faculty position
at Harvard, she felt increased freedom to pursue new interests.
She became known as a strong critic of sociobiology. Geneticist Richard
Lewontin has said, "No one has been a more influential critic of the
biological theory of women's inequality than Ruth Hubbard." In a 2006
essay entitled "Race and Genes," she wrote:
It is beyond comprehension,
in this century which has witnessed holocausts of ethnic, racial, and religious
extermination in many parts of our planet, perpetrated by peoples of widely
different cultural and political affiliations and beliefs, that educated
persons—scholars and popularizers alike—can come forward to argue, as though in
complete innocence and ignorance of our recent history, that nothing could be
more interesting and worthwhile than to sort out the “racial” or “ethnic”
components of our thoroughly mongrelized species so as to ascertain the root
identity of each and every one of us. And where to look for that identity if
not in our genes?
In her essay "Science and Science Criticism," published in
2001 as a chapter of The Gender and Science Reader, Hubbard iterates that she
is a scientist and states that "[n]ature is part of history and
culture", but not vice versa. She goes on to say that scientists are
largely unable to grasp the concept of nature being part of life--- noting how
she needed several years to understand the statement. Going into her scientific
history, the narrator mentions how she originally never questioned how her
efforts fit into society. Narrowing her focus, she exposits that the
Vietnam-era women's rights and women's liberation movements helped teach her of
the roles of science in society.
She continues forth with the various means of debate for both sides.
One notable instance from men is when they revive various old and unfounded
biological theories on women to justify the typical subservient positions of
the female gender. Hubbard even refers to the means of debate as
"breathing new life" into old theories and assumptions. She further
exposits the issues revolving around gender equality that were mainly brought
to her attention by how she and her colleagues suddenly started getting
promoted from their "ghetto" lab positions right into proper titles.
She promptly stresses that "[she believes] the subject of women's biology
is profoundly political", explaining away the book's title as she does so.
Proceeding onward her desire to go beyond "defining [women as a whole] as
victims of male power and dominance," and pushes for women everywhere to
show independence and individuality while learning to accept and embrace the
biology that's continuously used by men to undermine them. To follow up, she
goes on to talk about women's health activists re-educating women on the
functions of their body and goes on to encourage women to use the re-education
to attain great power by eliminating the footholds of male misinformation and
misrepresentation of their bodies.
The essay asserts that women scientists must ultimately and
paradoxically turn away from the sciences to make their stand against male
supremacy as opposed to the many female and feminist poets, novelists, and
artists that can illustrate their points clearly and easily. She notes that
politics seems to vanish within the sciences, exemplifying this point by noting
social classes aren't a specific category listed under US health studies. The
point she makes is that social and political realities can be blended or
integrated subtly into all mediums. The subtlety of the integration ultimately
creates great difficulty in discerning fact from prejudice. In addition,
artists, novelists, and poets can compose their works without being victim to
review under the funding agencies that makes the use of scientific fact tedious
and less effective. The author leads in to surmise that the issues around
women's rights must be raised and brought into public focus. After bringing up
how science integrates itself into culture, she exemplifies the point by noting
the prominence of biological terms in historical terminology and alluringly
points out a biologist's tendency to place humanity above all other animals---
not unlike how men view women and their desire for equality. She raises the
question of whether or not women can improve the sciences but makes an attempt
to bring into attention her belief that women can make an impact. Hubbard
closes by saying that scientists never want their work to be forgotten and
lost, and that she sides with feminism for political insight and analytic
testing on the scientific assumptions about women.
No comments:
Post a Comment
Note: Only a member of this blog may post a comment.